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In their initial effort to end the Vietnam War, Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger attempted to lever concessions from Hanoi at the negotiating table with military force and coercive diplomacy. They were not seeking military victory, which they did not believe was feasible. Instead, they backed up their diplomacy toward North Vietnam and the Soviet Union with the Madman Theory of threatening excessive force, which included the specter of nuclear force. They began with verbal threats then bombed North Vietnamese and Viet Cong base areas in Cambodia, signaling that there was more to come. As the bombing expanded, they launched a previously unknown mining ruse against Haiphong, stepped-up their warnings to Hanoi and Moscow, and initiated planning for a massive shock-and-awe military operation referred to within the White House inner circle as DUCK HOOK.
Beyond the mining of North Vietnamese ports and selective bombing in and around Hanoi, the initial DUCK HOOK concept included proposals for "tactical" nuclear strikes against logistics targets and U.S. and South Vietnamese ground incursions into the North. In early October 1969, however, Nixon aborted planning for the long-contemplated operation. He had been influenced by Hanoi's defiance in the face of his dire threats and concerned about U.S. public reaction, antiwar protests, and internal administration dissent.
In place of DUCK HOOK, Nixon and Kissinger launched a secret global nuclear alert in hopes that it would lend credibility to their prior warnings and perhaps even persuade Moscow to put pressure on Hanoi. It was to be a "special reminder" of how far President Nixon might go. The risky gambit failed to move the Soviets, but it marked a turning point in the administration's strategy for exiting Vietnam. Nixon and Kissinger became increasingly resigned to a "long-route" policy of providing Saigon with a "decent chance" of survival for a "decent interval" after a negotiated settlement and U.S. forces left Indochina.
Burr and Kimball draw upon extensive research in participant interviews and declassified documents to unravel this intricate story of the October 1969 nuclear alert. They place it in the context of nuclear threat making and coercive diplomacy since 1945, the culture of the Bomb, intra-governmental dissent, domestic political pressures, the international "nuclear taboo," and Vietnamese and Soviet actions and policies. It is a history that holds important lessons for the present and future about the risks and uncertainties of nuclear threat making.
- Sales Rank: #1029905 in eBooks
- Published on: 2015-07-05
- Released on: 2015-06-15
- Format: Kindle eBook
Review
"There will be no better book-length case study on coercive nuclear diplomacy than the one just written by William burr and Jeffrey P. Kimball."―Arms Control Today
"Nixon’s Nuclear Specter is a detailed and careful account of Nixon’s and Kissinger’s fruitless efforts during 1969 to find an "honorable" way out of Vietnam. As events that year unfolded, these authors demonstrate, honor had little to do with it."—New York Review of Books
"An important contribution to the [Cold War] literature."—Choice
"Well written and thoroughly researched, Nixon’s Nuclear Specter is a rich study of scholars of the era, and essential for those interested in Vietnam, the Nixon era, and the mindset of our 37th president. With the release of additional Nixon White House records and tapes we can only hope that the authors continue writing, jointly, or separately, for many more years."—H-Net Reviews
"Finally, a well-researched and well-written account of our leaders’ dangerous nuclear brinksmanship across the high years of the Cold War. There’s much here that’s new and much that’s troubling—for today as well as yesterday."—Richard Rhodes, Pulitzer-Prize-winning author of The Making of the Atomic Bomb
"I didn't know any of this as I was copying the top secret Pentagon Papers that fall, but if I had I would have given the Papers to the newspapers right away—rather than two years later, after waiting in vain for Congress to act on them—in desperate hopes of heading off massive escalation and possible nuclear war. A gripping and essential read!"—Daniel Ellsberg, author of Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers
About the Author
William Burr is senior analyst, National Security Archive, George Washington University. Jeffrey P. Kimball is professor of history, emeritus at Miami (OH) University. He is the author of The Vietnam War Files and Nixon’s Vietnam War, both published by Kansas.
Most helpful customer reviews
7 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Must Read for Nixon, Kissinger, and Vietnam!
By Dr. W. Terry Lindley
How does one end a war quickly when negotiations are stalemated? Nixon, remembering how the Eisenhower-Dulles threat to use nuclear weapons against the People’s Republic of China (PRC) had led to securing an armistice in the Korean War, decided to use the “madman” theory. In essence, the unpredictable nature of Nixon would be conveyed to North Vietnamese and the Soviets accompanied by military threats. To force Hanoi to be responsive to Washington’s demands for a treaty, Nixon-Kissinger issued an ultimatum: if progress had not been made by 1 November (the one-year anniversary of LBJ’s bombing halt), then a major military option would be launched.
Was the threat a bluff? For a while, Nixon and Kissinger considered the mining of Haiphong harbor to prevent merchant ships from docking as well as lighter craft from off-loading such vessels. Coupled with this was talk of renewed bombing of North Vietnam, especially roads and bridges as well as the rail lines connecting North Vietnam and the PRC. However, the 15 October 1969 Moratorium protest against the war led the president to cancel a military option. Instead, he and Kissinger decided on a nuclear alert, but one that did not involve a change in DEFCON status.
In the end, the authors conclude, that threat diplomacy did not alter Hanoi’s bargaining position in Paris. However, the military escalation card was not totally abandoned as seen in the invasion of Cambodia in 1970, the incursion into Laos in 1971, and the LINEBACKER bombing campaigns of 1972. The nuclear threat was also used regarding the PLO challenge to Jordan in the fall of 1970 and the Yom Kippur War of 1973 when the Soviets threatened to send conventional forces to the Sinai Peninsula to unilaterally enforce the cease-fire.
With failure of the threat diplomacy, the Nixon-Kissinger policy regarding Vietnam shifted to a “long-road” strategy. American troop withdrawals would continue to take place, while Vietnamization would hopefully create a South Vietnamese military that could defend itself once all American forces were withdrawn. The endgame for Nixon and Kissinger was a decent interval from American withdrawal to the collapse of South Vietnam under attack from the North so that “it would mask the role their policies had played in South Vietnam’s collapse.” (74) A decent interval was preferably five years, but could be as short as two.
This thoroughly researched volume provides a very detailed overview of how Nixon and Kissinger tried to end the Vietnam War during their first nine months in office. What is revealing is the secrecy that both men employed in trying to achieve this goal. The State Department was kept out of the loop and Defense Secretary Melvin Laird was bypassed at every opportunity. The bombing of Cambodia and Laos as well as intensified raids in South Vietnam were done in secret. Even many of the base commanders in the JCS nuclear alert of October 1969 were kept in the dark as to the true motive of the exercise. The authors also paint Kissinger as the hawk and Nixon as a vacillator, going between wanting military action because of the hawks at home and advocating inaction because of the rising anti-war movement at home.
The only drawback to this work is the still classified nature of some of the sources. A number of CIA documents, according to the authors, were heavily redacted. Even more crucial to a complete understanding of the period is the unavailability of Kissinger’s papers, which are closed to all but a few select individuals until five years after his death. The authors write that Kissinger’s “restrictions, possibly the last outstanding abuse of power of the Nixon era, is most likely in violation of federal records laws.” (x) Evidently neither they nor anyone else has challenged the restrictions set in place by the former secretary of state.
This is a must read for anyone interested in the Vietnam War, especially the policies followed by Nixon and Kissinger during their first year in office.
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
William Burt and Jeffrey Kimball have written a magnificent book ...
By David Fahey
William Burt and Jeffrey Kimball have written a magnificent book. Carefully argued and impressively researched, it brings to light the secret nuclear alert of October 1969. It was part of Nixon’s and Kissinger’s “madman” strategy for scaring Hanoi (and Moscow) into ending the Vietnam war on terms acceptable to the United States. Historians and political scientists will welcome Burt and Kimball's convincing revisionist study.
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
The Madman Nuclear Alert
By B. Gordon
This book is well-researched and authoritative. It documents President Nixon's focus on ending the Vietnam War by sending "signals" and veiled threats of nuclear attacks to try to scare the Russians and get the Russians to pressure North Vietnam to pull back and stop the war. At the same time that he was trying to scare the Russians, he did not want to upset the US public and the anti-war protesters. "Tricky Dick" (not the authors' term) tied to keep his actions in Cambodia and Laos secret from the US public but still scare the Russians and North Vietnamese. He then tried to convince the Russians that he was so "Mad" that he would use nuclear weapons in Vietnam, while keeping the nuclear threat secret from the US public. The result has been called the "Madman Nuclear Alert". The existence of this alert (he called it the JCS Readiness Exercise) was a secret, and its goals were so secret that the US Secretary of State was not told what we were doing, and military commanders did not know how to achieve the goals because they did not know what the goals were! The result was confusion and it is not clear that the Russians understood what it was about, either. A well-documented record of a bungled and dangerous policy. Not easy reading -- but a jewel for true historians.
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